Turkey Media Roundup (December 2)

[Pope Francis visits the Sultan Ahmed Mosque and Hagia Sophia, Istanbul, 29 November 2014. Image by Photoreporter / Shutterstock.com] [Pope Francis visits the Sultan Ahmed Mosque and Hagia Sophia, Istanbul, 29 November 2014. Image by Photoreporter / Shutterstock.com]

Turkey Media Roundup (December 2)

By : Turkey Page Media Roundup Editors

[This is a roundup of news articles and other materials circulating on Turkey and reflects a wide variety of opinions. It does not reflect the views of the Turkey Page Editors or of Jadaliyya. You may send your own recommendations for inclusion in each week`s roundup to turkey@jadaliyya.com by Sunday night of every week.]

English

Domestic Politics

A CHP-HDP Election Alliance? Abdülkadir Selvi claims that the CHP and the HDP are working in collusion with the Gülen movement in order to challenge the ruling AKP.

Gülenists in the Corridors of EU Parliament According to Ozan Ceyhun, the Gülen movement is trying to challenge the Turkish government through diplomatic lobbying of European governments.

Turkish Government, Military at Odds over Gülenists The Turkish military appears to be dragging its feet in purging its ranks of Gülenists who have managed to infiltrate it.

Former Police Chief Speaks Out About Turkey`s `Parallel State` Mustafa Akyol interviews former police chief Hanefi Avcı about the political rift that turned the Gülen movement into a government enemy.

Davutoğlu`s Gestures Fall Short of Alevi Demands Fehim Taştekin argues that the Davutoğlu regime’s “Alevi opening” is based on misconceptions of the tenets of Alevism.

What Next, After Censoring Turkish Parliament on Corruption? (1)-(2) Murat Yetkin wonders about the consequences of the gag order on press coverage of a parliamentary inquiry, and writes about the submerged power struggles taking place in the judiciary.

The Roadmap for the Alevi Initiative  Yahya Bostan praises the government’s progress and planning of the Alevi opening.

Tunceli or Dersim, the Problem is There to Solve İlnur Çevik encourages the opposition party and Alevi leaders to work with the government rather than against it in order to achieve reconciliation.

Debate Over Turkish Defense Budget Highlights Government`s Shortcoming Lale Kemal examines the recent parliamentary debate over the Turkish military’s budget and criticizes the government for dragging its feet.

Democracy and Tyranny Ali Bayramoğlu suggests that the limits on press freedom today are a carryover from Kemalist authoritarianism.

“AKP’s New Turkey”

Turkey`s Next Election Could Shape More than the Next Four Years Tülin Daloğlu speculates about the potential transformations of government structures as a consequence of the upcoming June 2015 election.

Did Erdoğan Discover a New History? (1)-(2) Etyen Mahçupyan suggests that Erdoğan’s claim that Muslims discovered America was an effort to challenge dominant Western histories, and argues that Erdoğan is politically mobilizing a new, diverse group of Muslim youth.

The AKP Will Fully Control the Judiciary İhsan Yılmaz suggests that the government’s effort to hire thousands of new judges and prosecutors is an attempt to foreclose the possibility of opposition.

Erdoğan`s Journalists and the New Media Order Emre Uslu argues that there are three types of journalists: those who Erdoğan created, those who support Erdoğan, and those who oppose Erdoğan.

President Erdoğan Paves Way for `Tradesmen Rule Era` Özgür Korkmaz criticizes Erdoğan’s populist encouragement of vigilante justice by tradesmen.

Why Do They Toy with the Agenda? Cafer Solgun asserts that Erdoğan’s greatest leadership skill is “his success in manipulating the agenda.”

Is the Political Climate Changing? Yusuf Kanlı claims that Erdoğan’s controversial statements and the AKP’s increasing authoritarianism have dwindled support for the AKP.

Peace and Reconciliation Process

The Gezi Rebellion, Dec. 17, and ISIL All Part of Same Plot... İbrahim Karagül speculates that there is a conspiracy working to disintegrate the Turkish state.

Is a Bright Future for Kurds on the Horizon? Emre Uslu suggests that the rise in academic interest in the Kurds, shown by the number of presentations on Kurds at the MESA Conference in Washington, DC, signals changing attitudes toward the Kurds in Turkey and abroad.

The Kurdistan Freedom Party and Democratizing Turkey Nagehan Alcı writes about the value of the newly-formed "Kurdistan Freedom Party" in Turkey as a net gain for Turkish democracy.

Women’s Rights

`This Nature` has a Serious Problem with Us Kanat Atkaya criticizes Erdoğan’s statement that women’s equality is “against nature,” suggesting that violence is in the government’s nature.

Hankering after a Primitive Past Semih İdiz argues that Erdoğan’s claims about women do not belong in a “secular democratic republic in the modern world.”

Women`s Rights to Justice: A Distorted Speech Tulu Gümüştekin argues that a “black propaganda machine” is twisting Erdoğan’s statements about women to damage Erdoğan’s reputation.

Actions and Words in Turkey Güven Sak suggests that despite Erdoğan’s controversial rhetoric, women have become more empowered under his government.

Pope Francis’s Visit to Turkey

Pope Francis`s Visit and Its Significance Kılıç Buğra Kanat argues that the Pope’s visit to Turkey will strengthen religious tolerance and peaceful coexistence.

Pope Francis in Turkey Opens a New Page İbrahim Kalın discusses the problem of Islamophobia and the potential that the current Pope’s humility will ease religious tensions in Europe.

The Pope`s Interfaith Dialogue with Erdoğan Serkan Demirtaş examines Erdoğan’s comments during the Pope’s visit regarding Western domination of the Middle East.

Turkey Should Use Pope`s Visit to Improve Image of Islam Barçın Yinanç argues that Turkey has a crucial role in fighting Islamophobia in the world.

Foreign Policy

PM`s Iraq Visit and Reintegration with the Region Mahmut Övür discusses the political and historical significance of Davutoğlu’s visit to Iraqi Kurdistan.

International Bias Fed by Internal Opposition Burhanettin Duran argues that the AKP’s “opponents” are working to damage Turkey’s reputation around the world.

A Portrait of a Failing Relationship: US and Turkey Nuray Mert examines the many reasons why the relationship between the US and Turkey has deteriorated.

How Should the Ottoman Legacy be Perceived? Emre Gönen explores continuities between the Ottoman Empire’s foreign policy and the Turkish Republic’s.

Talking Closed Borders Cengiz Aktar describes the material, social, and mental obstacles and damages that exist as a result of the sealing of the Turkish-Armenian border.

Under US Pressure, Turkey Focuses on Relations with Baghdad Zülfikar Doğan writes about the political and economic dimensions of Davutoğlu’s recent visit to Iraq.

Erdoğan Turns Back on EU Membership Bid Semih İdiz suggests that Erdoğan and the Turkish government may no longer be as committed to the EU accession goals as they once were.

Syria / Kobane

Is Turkey Doing Enough for Syria? According to Doğan Eşkinat, the Turkish government has done much more with respect to Syria and Syrian refugees than its critics would like to admit.

Safe and No-Fly Zones: Useful Means to Keep Turkey out of Coalition Lale Kemal discusses the quagmire that Turkey, unable to establish a no-fly zone on its own, faces in Syria.

The Only Way that Turkey and US Can Recouple Verda Özer suggests that a joint strategy on Syria and the creation of a no-fly zone are crucial to rebuilding Turkey-US relations.

Economy

Why Muslims Fell Behind Economically Emre Deliveli compares the pre-modern and modern economies in the Muslim world.

Turkey Prepares to Boost Economic ties with Putin Visit İlnur Çevik discusses the strengthening relationship between Turkey and Russia in light of Western sanctions on Russia and the current strife in the Middle East.

A People-Oriented Growth Model for the Whole World Cemil Ertem asserts that Turkey’s ascension to the G20 presidency will help remedy the economic crises plaguing Europe and the rest of the world.

A Tactical `Oil` War between OPEC and the United States According to Kerem Alkın, Turkey has been able to take advantage of changing dynamics of competition in the oil market.

Other Pertinent Pieces

Turkey`s Response to Measles Outbreak Questioned Tülay Çetingüleç writes about the rise in measles cases that have resulted from the Syrian refugee crisis in Turkey.

Turkish Woman`s Search Gives Voice to Islamized Armenians Pınar Tremblay interviews activist and lawyer Fethiye Çetin about her experience “coming out” as an Armenian.

Turkey Opts for Microchips to Protect Miners According to Mehmet Çetingüleç, a new government measure to attach microchips to miners would only help in locating corpses and does not help prevent deaths like compulsory safety rooms would.

Shame on the Edirne Governor Semih İdiz criticizes the governor of Edirne, Dursun Şahin, for recent anti-Semitic remarks suggesting that he would not allow a synagogue to be built because of Israel’s actions in Palestine.

Turkey`s Gül Returns for Encore Cengiz Çandar suggests that Abdullah Gül’s attendance at the Halifax Security Forum might signal his return to political life in Turkey.

Turkish Public Are Unaware of the Hardships Journalists Face Barçın Yinanç discusses the political and financial obstacles to press freedom in Turkey.

Gag Order, a Murder Case and Shopkeeper Policemen Orhan Kemal Cengiz describes the difficulty of keeping up with the current agenda in Turkey.

Turkish

Dersim and Alevi Opening

Mezhepler aynı yere varırlarmış! Following the Prime Minister’s speech on Alevis in Dersim, Tarhan Erdem criticizes Davutoğlu’s understanding of freedom of religion.

Heyecanı kaybolmuş ‘açılımlar’ Cafer Solgun argues that the excitement of various political openings that marked the early years of AKP, including the first Alevi opening, has faded away as the AKP`s politics became increasingly authoritarian.

Pakete mi girmeli, paketten mi çıkmalı? According to Nuriye Akman, for the Alevi opening to to be a genuine democratic move, the Sunni majority should also get rid of its state-defined understanding of religion.

Dersim’e sefer olur, zafer olmaz Hüseyin Ali finds Davutoğlu’s Alevi speech in Dersim manipulative and assimilationist and argues that a true apology should involve the recognition of democratic autonomy.

Dersimliler `ikili provokasyonu` bozdu İhsan Çaralan describes the reaction of the locals when Devlet Bahçeli, leader of the far-right party in the parliament, visited Dersim following Davutoğlu’s controversial speech in the same city.

“Gag Order” on Graft Allegations

Meclis yolsuzluk soruşturmasına sansürden sonra sırada ne var? After the gag order on a parliamentary inquiry into corruption allegations against four former Cabinet members of the ruling AKP, Murat Yetkin asks “what’s next?”

Yayın yasağı: Hatayı hatayla örtmeye çalışmak According to Ali Bayramoğlu, the gag order on the parliamentary inquiry into corruption allegations is a major political mistake.

Yolsuzluk, hırsızlık, rüşvet gizlenebilir mi? Ender İmrek from Evrensel newspaper, among a few other newspapers, defies the gag order on by detailing the content of the censored information.

Erdoğan iktidarı hukuku gömüyor, seyirci mi kalacağız?.. Hasan Cemal accuses the government of bypassing the law and opening the door for fascism.

Gazetecilerin önündeki en büyük tehlike Amberin Zaman talks about the fatal danger of covering Suruç, the neighbouring town of Kobane in Turkey, and the Syrian border for journalists, who are targeted by ISIS militants.

Yedik ve yaptık diyorlar, vallahi kendileri diyorlar Ezgi Başaran writes about the self-revealing nature of reactions in the media after a group of high-profile pro-government journalists were unexpectedly sacked from their respective jobs.

Haram olsun hakkımız Commenting on the sacking of chief media editors, Hayko Bağdat criticizes them for not covering or manipulating the news to serve the AKP’s interests.

2015 seçimlerine giderken Etyen Mahçupyan ne diyor? Fuat Keyman analyses the view of Etyen Mahçupyan, advisor to the Prime Minister, about the effect of corruption allegations, coarseness, and worker fatalities on the vote.

Kimse duymasın Ali Yurttagül denounces the gag order, seeing it as the darkest moment of the parliament.  

“AKP’s New Turkey”

Günün birinde bu ülkeyi terk edebilirim, diyebilmek! Hasan Cemal raises concerns over the deep-rooted anti-semitism and “class complex” that fuels authoritarian tendencies on governmental level.

Aydınlık tarih/ karanlık tarih Murat Belge identifies the process of reality-making in Erdoğan’s discourse.

AK Parti Hükümeti`nin 12 yıllık karnesi Akdoğan Özkan provides figures to depict the performance of the twelve-year AKP rule, and documents the significant worsening in seven important aspects.

Masal ve gerçek! Tarhan Erdem denounces Davutoğlu’s new Turkey discourse by mentioning the lack of progress in freedom of speech and decentralization.

Cumhurbaşkanı yalan söyler mi? Mümtaz’er Türköne is not able to call the President a “liar” because it is banned by law, while giving examples of apparent discrepancies between his statements and facts.

‘Yeni Türkiye’nin üç ‘genç aydın’ı üzerinden rakamlarla yandaşlık Umut Özkırımlı gives the account of recent important political events through the perspective of three pro-government “young intellectuals”: Yıldıray Oğur, Markar Esayan, and Melih Altınok.

‘Yeni Türkiye’nin ‘eski’ hikayesi: Fatsa’da iktidarla sermaye ‘halka karşı iç savaşta’ Nur Banu Kocaslan’s interview with villagers in Fatsa, a town in Black Sea region, who struggle against the construction of hydroelectric power station in their villages—a theme that binds “old” and “new” Turkey.

Emret cumhurbaşkanım gazetecisi: Gazeteci değil, evet efendimci kâtip! Hasan Cemal reacts against the silence and compliance of journalists with the increasing authoritarianism in Turkey, arguing that the only way to have a sustained democracy is through righteous journalism.

“Yeni Türkiye’de çok sert bir rüzgar geliyor” A former executive in the mainstream media, Levent Gültekin, argues that high-ranking pro-government journalists being sacked is the sign of a near future when there will be intolerance even for moderate voices, those who express reservation while approving government’s policies.

Women’s Rights

Cumhurbaşkanını dinle `kadına şiddeti` anla! İhsan Çaralan notes that the main reason of increasing figures of violence against women is government’s active policy in confining women to traditional gender roles and family structure.

Kadın cinayetlerini önleyebilir miyiz? Nilay Etiler accuses the government of institutionalizing homicides against women and asks politicians and opinion leaders to speak up for women’s issues in Turkey.  

Ya fıtrattır, ya meşrep ya da kader: Kadınsan haddini bileceksin! Commenting on Erdoğan’s controversial remarks on the “unequal nature of men and women,” Hürrem Sönmez gives parallel examples from the judicial processes favoring the interests of men.

TC’nin kadınlara karşı suçu According to Eren Keskin, the Turkish State has been responsible for violence committed against women with agreements/protocols are signed only on paper and not actually practiced.

Niye her gün bir kadın katlediliyor? Şahin Alpay invites Erdoğan and the government to make necessary changes in the law with regards to gender equality instead of highlighting the “dispositional differences between men and women.”

Kadın korkusu, komünizm korkusu Aydın Çubukçu states Erdoğan’s speech expresses a deeply-ingrained fear of women`s empowerment and shows his implicit understanding of communism as providing the conditions for it.

Ortadoğu karanlığında bir ışık: JİN JİYAN AZADİ! Nurcan Baysal celebrates the struggle of Kurdish women aiming for an equal society that provides an oasis for women in the Middle East.

Peace and Reconciliation Process

Nasıl bir çözüm? Altan Tan purports that the three demands of the Kurds for the peace process are indispensable for democracy in the country and those demands should not be made conditional on the laying down on arms.  

AKP’ye sorular Adil Bayram argues that unless the AKP addresses the “real” issues in the peace process, the talks between the HDP and the AKP do not mean anything significant.

Kürt hareketi Türkiye aydınlarına sürekli kendini kanıtlayamaz ki Ezgi Başaran’s interview with the author, activist, and member of HDP, Ayşe Berktay: “we should not expect the Kurdish movement to constantly prove itself to Turkish intellectuals.”

Çözüm süreci ve kimlik taleplerinin anlamsızlaştırılması Erol Katırcıoğlu criticizes the government’s attempts in delegitimizing the collective demands of the Kurdish movement, and thinks the only meaningful way of invalidating identity claims would be to secure them with a new and democratic constitution .

Ulus devlet-Kürt devleti Hüsnü Öndül claims that the solution to Kurds’ demand for an autonomous governance could be a reformulation of the national state idea in the country, and the establishment of a truly democratic rule on the basis of equal rights.

Ya seçimden önce çözüm ya sonrasında ‘çözülüm’ Veysi Sarısözen is convinced that the AKP will go through an important elimination, possibly including the President himself, after the general elections.

Süreç ve Kandil gerçekliği İdris Baluken describes the peace process through the perspective and practice of Kurdish armed forces.

Kartlar değişse de oyuncular sabit According to Yaşar Taşkın Koç, there are more parties and interests than those of the government and the Kurdish movement involved in the peace process.

Çözüm Süreci`nde yaklaşım farklılıkları Former deputy secretary of National Intelligence Organization (MİT) Cevat Öneş: “Lack of consensus among the top people in government and the state regarding the biggest obstacle in the way of the country’s development and democratization is both a misfortune and pertains to the characteristics of our politics.”

Sürecin süreci İrfan Aktan gives a chronology of government’s handling of the Kurdish issue between 2003 and the current day.

‘Kürdistan’ sözcüğünü daha mı az kullansak? Frederike Geerdink questions the multiple meanings of history writing in Kurdistan and proposes to use a different name for the region.

Yanıtlanması gereken birkaç basit soru Ayşe Berktay criticizes the government’s use of vague terminology in the peace process, and demands clear operationalizations for a more genuine negotiation.  

Müzakere According to Celalettin Can, while two parties of the peace process are still in the phase of dialogue/meetings, not in negotiation, a need for a third party facilitator emerged.

Foreign Policy

IŞİD karşıtlığı üzerinden Irak’ta bir toplum kurma ihtimali Yasin Aktay discusses ISIS’ uniting force in bringing otherwise untrustful actors together to form a society in Iraq.

Esad, IŞİD bir yana, Biden’ın özür için Erdoğan’a ne dediğini merak ediyorsanız… Murat Yetkin writes about what happened in the Erdoğan-Biden meeting.

Yurtta huzur, cihanda itibarı yakalamanın yolu Abdülhamit Bilici argues that Turkey has been losing its reputation in the international arena.

Ankara-Washington: Mutsuz evlilik According to Cengiz Çandar, the US-Turkey relationship is not in good standing despite attempts in presenting it to be good.

Sahte mutluluk tablosunun ardındaki gerçekler Nuray Mert argues that the positive media coverage of Biden’s visit to Turkey is not enough to hide the fundamental differences between the two countries’ understanding of foreign policy in the region.

‘Kürt sorunu’ Kobanê’den sonra Türkiye’nin ‘beka’ sorunu oldu! Veysi Sarısözen warns the government of an approaching rapture among the ranks, and offers pacing-up of the peace process as a remedy.

Irak Kürdistanı’ndaki algı: IŞİD geldi, Türkiye yoktu! Mete Çubukçu states that the public image in Iraq regarding Turkey is having been abandoned against ISIS forces.

Economy

İşsizlik mi büyümeden, büyüme mi işsizlikten? Sinan Alçın critizes government’s economic development policy but demonstrates that only through increasing employment can a sustained development happen.

Ortadoğu ve enerji! Yusuf Gürsucu underlies the exploitative nature of energy politics in the region.

İsteyen 2003-2007 ile avunadursun biz gerçek duruma bakalım Comparing the period between 2003-2007 to the 2008-2014 period, Fatih Özatay raises concern over the increased price paid for any unit of development in recent years.

Türkiye işçi sınıfı ve devrimci sınıf çalışması Cihan Soylu claims that the possibilities of a class struggle have proliferated and varied due to changes in demographics.  

Bütçeyi izlemek gerek! According to Sezai Temelli, the national budget is as much a political matter as it is a matter of economics.

Tüketici Güven Endeksi kriz öncesi seviyeye geldi Süleyman Yaşar discusses the significance of the recent decrease in the Customer Confidence Index.

Other Pertinent Pieces

Üniversiteler yarı açık cezaevleri Kerem Altıparmak criticizes the “security paranoia” that has transformed access to and movement within university campuses.

Enternasyonal According to M. Sinan Birdal, we should look not to a leader’s cult of personality to understand the forces of democracy, but rather to the working classes.

Adalet sağcı bir kavram mıdır? Rıdvan Akar examines the genealogy of the concept of justice among right-wing parties in Turkey.

Nepotizm ve silah sanayii Lale Kemal argues that there has been an increase in nepotism in the weapons industry during AKP rule.

Dünya tarımı yeniden keşfederken topraklar elden kayıyor According to Bülent Gülbuçuk, while the world recognizes the value of cultivable land, there is a reverse tendency in Turkey.

Published on Jadaliyya

Yerellik ve Evrensellik arasinda Rojava deneyimi

Armenian Diaspora Tourism in Turkey: An Interview with Anny Bakalian

The Poverty of Moral Answers to Political Questions: On Perceptions of Islam in the Wake of ISIS

Epohi Interview with Jadaliyya Co-Editor Ziad Abu-Rish on the Emergence of ISIS and Regional Ramifications

New Texts Out Now: Nazan Maksudyan, Orphans and Destitute Children in the Late Ottoman Empire

Expropriation, Lawlessness, and Resistance in Yirca`s Olive Groves: An Interview with Olcay Bingol and Deniz Bayram

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The Chronicle of Higher Education Interviews Jadaliyya Co-Founder Bassam Haddad

The following interview was conducted by Ursula Lindsey with Jadaliyya Co-Editor Bassam Haddad in preparation for a feature about Jadaliyya for The Chronicle of Higher Education. The feature was published on 29 September 2014 and can be accessed by clicking here.

Ursula Lindsey (UL): Could you send me any statistics on the readership of Jadaliyya? I would like to get a sense of the overall size of the readership, and how it is geographically distributed.

Bassam Haddad (BH): We have become much less interested in numbers after having passed an important threshold in 2013, but we do not totally ignore them! Unfortunately (because one would like to see an alternative), the best indicator of the growth and expansion of readership has been “Facebook Reach,” which increased from around fifty thousand per week during the first six months in 2010–2011, to one million in 2012–2013, and surpassed 2.3 million in 2014. We actually stopped monitoring such numbers as closely, but know that our social media and classroom presence continues to increase steadily as our Facebook followers have surpassed 130,000. These followers are pretty active in circulating our content, and constitute a large part of how Jadaliyya content is disseminated. Twitter is another indicator. However, we refrain from tweeting too much, as shown by our tweets-to-followers ratio—which is perhaps among the highest (9900 tweets and twenty-seven thousand followers), at about thirty percent. The closest we have seen in our field is about forty-five to fifty percent. This reflects the extent to which each post/article, and/or tweet, is generating interest. It is important to note that our Arabic reading audience, world-wide but mainly in the region itself, has quadrupled since 2011, and now constitutes almost thirty to thirty-five percent of our readership, a testimony to how local informed readers elect to turn to Jadaliyya frequently—largely because our writers on local matters are either writing from the region or are intimately connected with the region.

As to other forms of tracing numbers, such as unique visitors, they seem quite inconsistent because the extent to which Jadaliyya is read not only via Android, iPhone, and iPad apps, but also because of the unusually large level of circulation of PDFs via huge email lists (which we are on and we see!) and, most importantly, its ubiquitous presence on syllabi (for instance, our unique visitors to the site hover around 500,000 a month, while most read Jadaliyya off line via email, PDF, or apps). Our Middle East scholars/educators/researchers list, now combined with that of Tadween Publishing, our sister organization, tops eight thousand engaged Jadaliyya readers who are increasingly assigning material from Jadaliyya.

The reason this happens is not only because we have good content. There is plenty good content if one searches the net carefully. Rather, it because of four very specific reasons: first, our good content has a long shelf-life, an outcome that is built into the editorial process; second, Jadaliyya content serves as an explicit resource or reference, through twelve topical and country/region-specific Media Roundups, profiles and archival posts for reference use, as well as weekly pedagogical reviews of new books, films, documentaries, art exhibits, and relevant social media items; third, Jadaliyya, in conjunction with Tadween’s blog, has become the space that most educators/researchers constantly visit for matters related to academic freedom, publishing, and higher education in the region as well as the United States and Europe; finally, our Jadaliyya content is selectively tapped to produce books and pedagogical publications that are published by Tadween Publishing and other publishers like Palgrave and Pluto Press, giving more gravity, and more longevity, to Jadaliyya content. One important source of such readers is JADMAG, of which we have so far produced five issues geared to educators, and chock-full of resources that are compiled and categorized at the end of each issue. (see www.JadMag.org or www.TadweenPublishing.com for more information). 

This source of readership is constantly expanding as Jadaliyya seems to be the only available site for such content (now quadro-lingual), and is our litmus test and what keeps us on our toes from day to day. The reason we emphasize this source in relation to numbers and quality is because the population of students reading Jadaliyya material based on educators’ choices is increasing exponentially at times, and serves as our most consistent source of readership with time especially that newcomers from that sphere become loyal readers. 

It is no surprise that the Middle East Studies Association (MESA) consistently sends us their critical public letters to publish when they want to reach the broader academic and research/journalist communities, including beyond the United States. It is not something you see consistently on any other website. And this applies to various other organizations that would like to reach the same expansive cohort (based in the United States, Europe, or the Middle East), including the new Arab Council for the Social Sciences (ACSS).

Our colleague and professor of Arabic literature at Brown University, Elias Muhanna, who also runs his own popular blog, Qifa Nabki, commented openly at a conference that he does not know a professor teaching the modern Middle East who does not have a variety of Jadaliyya articles on their syllabi—an honor that ranges from rare to unique when it comes to similar online publications. 

UL: We discussed stories that caused particularly strong debates, and you mentioned the critique of DAM`s video. Are there any other pieces that sparked debates?    

BH: Just to clarify, this last piece sparked more than a debate, as some folks where actually unhappy with the approach—though we are still in good communication with the concerned parties (e.g., DAM) given our approach to the matter. The pieces that sparked debate, discussion, and the like are actually many, and I am not sure it would be fair to single out a handful. However, the notable pieces that drew heated debates and attention revolve around the July coup in Egypt, or around the nature of the Syrian uprising. But this is almost a continuous variable, and still sparks heated discussions that reflect the polarization on these matters among concerned publics. Nonetheless, we continue to get serious engagement—even if sometimes a bit over the top—from detractors on various topics, from Palestine and Syria, to articles on sexuality, Islam, and even literature and film. The fact that detractors of the entire publication continue to engage and critique reveals a sense of legitimacy that even this cohort associate with Jadaliyya. For a critical publication, this is priceless, and we think we will fail if we do not maintain that level of quality and legitimacy.

UL: What are the most common criticisms or suggestions for improvement your get? Do you think they are valid? Where do you see room for improvement? When I last saw Jadaliyya Co-Editor Sinan Antoon in Cairo, he said, for example, he thought the site might publish less so as to focus more on the quality of the writing. 

BH: Oh, dear, there are all kinds, and so many of which come from us, the editors, given that various page teams are relatively autonomous. Our position on critique is simple: we ignore any critique at our own peril. This does not mean that all criticisms are equally valid. They are not. It does, however, mean that we take them seriously and assume their validity until we can illustrate otherwise to ourselves and to others. In most instances, critiques do include a modicum of validity, and our responsiveness to nearly every single significant line of critiques (based on a compilation) is the reason we keep growing in quality and numbers. We surely miss some, and we surely make mistakes even in assessing critiques—but these represent a minority of cases within our practice. Based on what we have heard, we see room for improvement in soliciting even more writing from the region; in working harder to get more pieces from the scene, on intractably controversial matters, like Syria; and we agree that we, like any successful publication, can get too comfortable with its status quo of readership and contributors. But questions like yours, and internal discussions based on similar observations, push us on a quarterly basis to make a deliberate and explicit effort to reach out. This is in fact why we dramatically expanded the Arabic section (in terms of readership and contributors) during the past two years. 

All in all we operate on a five-year plan of sorts (despite the problematic association with five-year plans). At this point, as we are still in our fourth year, we are establishing ourselves as a serious and perhaps the go-to publication for informed readership. But you will soon see some changes that will expand our scope and spice things up a bit in a productive direction, at a time when we need not worry as much about the basics and daily operations. Our challenge, actually, is to maintain the essentially voluntary-based nature of Jadaliyya. Therefore, much of what we have focused on during the first years of establishment involves building the best team there is, or what we think is such, under these circumstances. It is a continuing challenge, but it has been working since 1992 when the parent organization, the Arab Studies Journal, started.

As to the question of quantity verses quality, we exercise a mean purge every quarter, precisely to avoid the false impression that quantity is synonymous with quality. Surely, we fail here and there. However, the one development since 2013 has been the reduction of the output rate—which we view as having been somewhat unavoidable as this is how you connect with new readership and contributors in the early stages—from about 175 pieces per month to about 110-120 (though this includes all posts and reports, etc.). But this challenge continues, and—frankly—we hold ourselves to standards that are not observed in comparable publications that either focus on one country, or one approach (e.g., Foreign Policy), or one audience, or one language, or one discipline, etc. So we have to make up our own standards for a new kind of publication. All this takes time, and we welcome any criticism that allows us to meat our challenge. We are not sensitive to productive critique at all! We will fail without it. 

UL: You mention detractors of the site—any examples?

BH: Every new initiative gives rise to critics, and that is a good thing. What is interesting about Jadaliyya’s critics, most of them at least, is that they critique and stick around for the most part—largely because of what they tell us verbatim at times: “We expect more from Jadaliyya,” or something of the sort. Now the question of who these critics are depends on the issue, and often our biggest critics on one topic are our biggest fans on another. Syria is a good example where we get flack from both pro-opposition corners and anti-opposition corners, but you would find avid readers of other Jadaliyya pages among both varieties. Do we have critics that do not think Jadaliyya is worth reading at all? You bet! There is very little we can do to convince those voices otherwise. Having said all of that, the fact is that Jadaliyya has filled a gap and presented a centrifugal force around which critics of mainstream discourse on the region in the United State and beyond hover. That in and of itself has generated detractors. 

UL: It seems to me that Jadaliyya has a pretty clear, consistent identity, both in its politics and its theoretical orientations. The people who edit and write it are generally the same age and peer group, and many have known each other for a long time. Do you think you have a wide enough variety of views? Do you feel like Jadaliyya has been able to spark debates outside of a community of like-minded contributors and readers? 

BH: [One factual note: the editors and contributors are by no means of similar age or belong to similar social circles—not after 2011, regarding the latter comment, and have never been, regarding the former comment. We have had more than a thousand contributors and the Jadaliyya team surpasses eighty people living in different countries now. Any cursory view of any fifty consecutive posts reveals a variety that easily surpasses most comparable publications. As for views, it is a political challenge, not always a question of diversity. See below.]

This is the one-million dollar question. Yes, any good publication must struggle with this dialectic of building a readership based on a particular kind/nature of knowledge production, but then expanding it to attract new readership and contributors while retaining the reason for its success. Are we guilty of not doing this perfectly? Absolutely. Have we gone far beyond most other publications to allow for serious internal differences and reach out to new and alternative views? Absolutely. But that does not exhaust the question. As mentioned above, we are in the building stage, and we view a good part of the shortcomings as related byproducts. However, this is one of our fundamental goals as we enter and complete our fifth year, and it will not come without its risks, risks we are very happy to take. Most importantly in reference to sparking discussion or debates, Jadaliyya articles have been written about and discussed in conferences and in social media in ways that have actually jump-started broader research questions and helped set research agendas—not to mention the impact of Jadaliyya on the carriers of junior writers who make their debut there and then get picked up by other institutions who are hiring, paying, and producing knowledge. The list is pretty long.

Having said that, two comments are relevant here. First, we are not and do not pretend to be an open forum for all views. Though I suspect you recognize that and you are not asking about why we do not highlight and invite problematic (racist, sexist, classist, etc. writers), but rather, from within the perspective we support, we may still afford more variety—and that is totally fair, and the above addresses our need to meet this challenge in increasingly better ways.

The second comment is political, and refers to the context within which Jadaliyya and other publications emerged in recent years. We see ourselves as a counter-discourse in relation to the dominant and quite entrenched discourse on the Middle East in the United States primarily, but also beyond. We also see ourselves in the same manner in relation to the petro-media empire of some Arab states. In this context, we are trying to provide an alternative reference point for sound daily analysis on the region. To establish that difficult reality and standard, we have had to be more focused on consistency and quality, sometimes at the expense of maximum diversity. So, we are not, per se, seeking diversity of “views” in the absolute sense, which is a matter/goal that speaks more to liberal concerns that are often divorced from realities of power and its direct relation to dominant discourses. However, where we have room to improve on this particular point, which is how we understand your question, is to establish even more diversity “within” the “general” perspective we endorse. And, yes, we do have some work to do in that respect, but not always for lack of trying. We are fighting an uphill battle and we also have to pay attention to the challenge of dragging everyone along while expanding this spectrum (i.e., the million-dollar challenge/question above). The years ahead will speak louder than any words regarding our genuine interest in making this happen within the context of a counter-discourse movement.

Also, we do not pay our writers, and this restricts us by excluding many careerist writers who might have provided a diversity of sorts despite differing views.

Finally, it is important to note that beyond the essentials, we have ongoing viewpoint disagreements within Jadaliyya regarding content and particular pieces. We think it is a testament to the absence of a rigid conception regarding which particular views are welcome.

UL: Finally, there is an argument that young academics should focus on scholarly work and publication and not "waste" their ideas and time on writing for web sites and other venues. How do you respond to that? 

BH: We totally agree in principle, considering the kind of online publications and quality that proliferates. And whereas we would give the same advice, we cannot ignore the fact that the strategic position of Jadaliyya within the academic community can be a plus for rising academics who would like to be read and heard. Last year alone, several folks within and outside Jadaliyya remarked to us how valuable their Jadaliyya contributions were in capturing the attention of employers/academics in the hiring process. This semi-exception is borne out of the fact that Jadaliyya has indeed become the go-to place for academics generally, despite what this or that observer can say, sometimes legitimately, about the quality of this or that post. We just have to make sure that this continues to be kept to a minimum in the coming five, or ten, years!

So, in short, it depends. In the case of Jadaliyya, publishing there can be used strategically to enhance one’s chances of getting an academic job. We used to think that this was not the case before we were told otherwise by employers and during academic interviews. Used properly, it can be a plus, and this is not confined to Jadaliyya, as there are a number of quality publications out there. The world is changing, and the academic community is following suit, even if at a few steps behind.

UL: Are you planning on publishing anything soon on Obama`s war on ISIS?

BH: Yes, we have published a number of pieces addressing the rise and nature of ISIS, in both Arabic and English, and, beginning the week of 22 September, our fourth anniversary incidentally, we are publishing a regular media roundup specifically on ISIS-related articles. Stay tuned!